Party Launch · Volume 1, Edition 1Filed under: General DisgruntlementSponsored by no one. Funded by nothing.HQ: Wherever the wifi worksNow accepting rants, retweets, and resentmentParty Launch · Volume 1, Edition 1Filed under: General DisgruntlementSponsored by no one. Funded by nothing.HQ: Wherever the wifi worksNow accepting rants, retweets, and resentment
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MANIFESTO

Your IIT Dream Costs ₹20 Lakh. We Have Demands.

The TCJP manifesto on coaching fee regulation: why India's ₹58,000-crore coaching industry needs fee caps, curriculum audits, and a reality check it will not enjoy.

coaching fee regulation indiaprivate coaching reform indiaeducation affordability indiacoaching industry reform policykota coaching fees 2024jee neet coaching cost india
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When a two-year JEE course costs more than the engineering degree it was supposed to unlock, the joke is on us — and we are done laughing.

The Coaching Cartel: How India Monetised Parental Anxiety

Somewhere between the 1991 liberalisation and the invention of the All India Rank, India discovered a growth sector more recession-proof than gold: the dream of your child not becoming you. The coaching industry did not create that dream. It merely learned to charge admission for it — and then raised the price every year, tuned precisely to the maximum a middle-class family could bleed before the loan application.

Today, India's private coaching industry is worth over ₹58,000 crore. It employs hundreds of thousands of people, it props up entire cities, and it operates with approximately zero regulatory accountability. No fee cap. No mandated curriculum. No refund policy that a court would uphold without a decade of follow-up. A pharmacist needs a licence to sell you paracetamol. A coaching institute needs a banner, a photogenic topper, and a rate card that resets upward every April.

The Numbers Are Not Inspiring. They Are Criminal.

A two-year JEE classroom programme at a top Kota institute now costs between ₹1.5 lakh and ₹2.5 lakh in tuition alone — before hostel, mess, study material that is mandatory and conveniently sold by the same institute, and the test series that is somehow a separate product. A NEET aspirant from a Tier-3 town, attending a residential programme, can expect their family to spend ₹8 to ₹15 lakh over two years. That is, conservatively, the cost of an entire MBBS seat in a private college in certain states. The ladder is eating the ladder.

We spent ₹12 lakh so I could score enough to get into a government college that costs ₹20,000 a year. My father says it was worth it. He has not taken a vacation since 2019.

And let us be honest about what this money buys. It buys access — to teachers, to peer networks, to a testing environment that mimics the exam closely enough to confer structural advantage. It does not buy intelligence. It does not buy effort. It buys the right to compete on slightly less unfair terms. Families in India are spending their retirement savings not on education, but on the entry fee to a race that was supposed to be meritocratic. The TCJP would like to note, for the record, that this is not merit. This is inheritance with extra steps.

What TCJP Actually Demands

We are not anti-coaching. We are anti-extortion. There is a difference, and we will explain it slowly for the industry lobbyists in the back. The Cockroach Janta Party's position is surgical: regulate the price, mandate the transparency, and hold the product accountable to the promise.

  • Statutory fee caps for JEE, NEET, UPSC, and state competitive exam coaching, tiered by city category — what is reasonable in Mumbai is not reasonable in Muzaffarpur, and the policy should know the difference.
  • Mandatory refund schedules published upfront, enforceable without litigation, covering at minimum 50% of fee for withdrawal within the first 60 days.
  • Curriculum and study material disclosure: coaching institutes charging for proprietary material must register that material with an education regulator and cannot bundle it as a compulsory add-on at opaque markups.
  • Topper advertising ethics: institutes must disclose what percentage of enrolled students achieved the results featured in marketing. One AIR-1 from a batch of 4,000 is data, not a promise.
  • An accessible, fast-track grievance redressal mechanism — not the consumer forum that takes four years and costs more than the original dispute.

The Accountability Clause Nobody Wants to Talk About

Fee regulation without curriculum accountability is a half-measure, and the TCJP does not do half-measures when there are votes at stake — even imaginary ones. The coaching industry's dirtiest open secret is not the fees. It is the pedagogy. A significant portion of the coaching apparatus does not teach students to understand chemistry or mathematics. It teaches them to pattern-match against past papers. This is not education. This is a very expensive memory sport. And it has measurable downstream consequences: students who crack competitive exams through pure drill often report a collapse in foundational understanding in their first semester of actual college.

The TCJP demands that any coaching institute receiving fees above a threshold be required to report outcome data beyond rank lists — including first-year college performance indicators, student mental health incident disclosures, and dropout rates within programmes. Sunlight is the best disinfectant, as someone once said before an institute immediately put a roof over the window.

Because Merit Should Not Be a Rich Kid's Head Start

The deepest injury of the unregulated coaching economy is not financial. It is ideological. India's competitive exam culture rests on a founding mythology: that these tests are fair, that they test native ability and hard work, that a student from a village in Bihar can beat a student from South Delhi on equal terms. This mythology is what makes the system feel legitimate. It is also, increasingly, a lie that everybody knows is a lie but nobody in power has the incentive to say out loud.

When coaching access is gated by family wealth, we are not testing merit. We are testing the capacity of parents to invest — and then calling the winner a meritocrat. The TCJP is not naive enough to believe fee caps will fix inequality. But we are angry enough to insist they are a necessary start. Regulate the industry. Cap the fees. Mandate the disclosures. And let us — for once, just once — run a race where the starting blocks are not priced differently.

Questions, answered.

What exactly is the TCJP proposing — are you trying to shut down coaching institutes?

No. We are proposing statutory fee caps, mandatory refund policies, curriculum transparency requirements, and honest marketing standards. The coaching industry can continue to exist and profit. It simply cannot continue to treat the aspirations of middle-class families as an unregulated revenue source. Running a business is fine. Running a cartel while calling it education is not.

Won't fee caps reduce quality by cutting institute revenue?

This argument assumes that current fees are proportional to quality, which the evidence does not support. Many of the most expensive institutes have identical or worse outcome rates per enrolled student compared to mid-tier competitors. What fee caps reduce is the ability to charge anxiety premiums — the markup on parental fear, not on teaching excellence. Quality teachers can and should be compensated well. The regulation targets structural exploitation, not pedagogical investment.

Why are competitive exam coaching costs so high in India?

A combination of factors: extremely high demand from a large aspirant population, limited supply of credentialed seats (IITs, AIIMS, UPSC), complete absence of price regulation, and a cultural norm of treating any expenditure on a child's education as non-negotiable. Coaching institutes have rationally priced to the ceiling of what families will sacrifice — and families will sacrifice everything. That is not a market functioning well. That is a market exploiting a captive demographic.

Is this a central government issue or a state government issue?

Both, which is precisely why nothing has happened. Education is on the Concurrent List, and the coaching industry has lobbied successfully at both levels to remain classified in a grey zone — not quite schools, not quite private businesses, regulated by nobody. The TCJP position is that the Union government must establish a National Coaching Regulation Authority with state-level implementation arms. Parallel responsibility has historically meant shared inaction. We need a single accountable body.

What about online coaching platforms — do they get regulated too?

Yes, and this is where the policy gets interesting. Many families have shifted to online platforms believing they are cheaper, only to discover subscription stacks, paid test series, doubt-clearing add-ons, and premium batch upsells that reconstruct the full offline cost in modular form. Any platform charging for competitive exam preparation above a threshold, regardless of delivery mode, falls under TCJP's proposed framework. The internet is not a regulation-free zone. It is a regulation-free zone that has been very good at pretending it is a public good.

Has any country regulated its private tutoring industry successfully?

South Korea has attempted it multiple times, most recently with bans on after-hours tutoring and price caps, with mixed and contested results. China moved aggressively in 2021 to restrict for-profit tutoring in core academic subjects, a policy whose outcomes are still being evaluated. The TCJP is not copy-pasting either model — Indian conditions are distinct. But the idea that coaching fee regulation is administratively impossible or economically catastrophic is simply not borne out by comparative experience. It is hard. Hard is not the same as impossible.

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